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  • 30 May 2024 9:42 AM | Anonymous

    One in five women experience mental health and substance use problems during pregnancy and the postpartum period, a member of the Task Force on Maternal Mental Health said during a briefing hosted by HHS on Tuesday to mark the launch of the National Strategy to Improve Maternal Mental Health Care.opens in a new tab or window

    Sharing her own story, Nicole Barnett, MSW, a member of the Task Force, said something felt different after the birth of her third and youngest child. When she described her symptoms to a nurse at her obstetrician's office and was told she might have postpartum depression, she said that she could not accept it.

    "I did not want to hear the phrase 'postpartum depression,'" she said, noting that, for her, it meant failing at motherhood.

    Barnett refused to seek help or take medication, and her symptoms worsened. Washing her face became a chore. Decisions as immaterial as what color folder to send her kindergartener to school with could trigger a full-blown panic attack.

    At her worst, Barnett said she would fence herself off with her children behind a baby gate in a back room. "I'd give my older two something to play with, and just hold my baby in the rocking chair and just pray for my husband to get home."

    Ultimately, the fear that she might be neglecting her children drove Barnett to seek help. Within weeks of starting on medication, she began to feel more like herself. She connected with a therapist and joined a support group for mothers, which she credits as most important to her recovery.

    For the last 20 years, Barnett has worked in maternal mental health education and advocacy, including serving as a counselor for the Health Resources and Services Administration's National Maternal Mental Health Hotline.opens in a new tab or window

    "Every day I get to help women just like me," she noted.

    The Task Force on Maternal Mental Health, which is co-chaired by Admiral Rachel Levine, MD, the HHS Assistant Secretary for Health, and Miriam Delphin-Rittmon, PhD, the HHS Assistant Secretary for Mental Health and Substance Use, is a product of the TRIUMPH for New Moms Actopens in a new tab or window.

    During the briefing, Levine said that maternal mental health issues and substance use disorders (SUDs) are the leading causes of pregnancy-related deaths in the U.S. Furthermore, pregnant women with mental health conditions are 50% more likely to experience severe maternal morbidity.

    To address this crisis, the Task Force conducted a literature review, held listening sessions to gain input from stakeholders, and gathered public comments through a request for information. Five working groups met online dozens of times from November 2023 through April to gather their findings and develop the following five core recommendations:

    • Build a national infrastructure that prioritizes perinatal mental health and well-being: Develop and strengthen federal policies to promote perinatal mental health and well-being by reducing disparities and expanding care models in which perinatal care, mental health care, and SUD care are integrated.
    • Make care and services accessible, affordable, and equitable: Establish federal mechanisms to fund infrastructure to support new delivery models for mental health conditions, SUDs, and gender-based violence. Implement "culturally relevant and trauma-informed clinical screening" and focus on training, growing, and diversifying the perinatal mental health workforce.
    • Use data and research to improve outcomes and accountability: Fund and expand support for perinatal quality collaboratives (PQCs) in all 50 states, the District of Columbia, and U.S. territories. (The CDC currently supports PQCs in 36 states.) Establish a central clearinghouse of information to make it easier for providers and other stakeholders to locate resources for perinatal health data.
    • Promote prevention, and engage, educate, and partner with communities: Fund evidence-based best practices to support "person-centered, culturally relevant, and community-level detection and prevention of perinatal mental health conditions and SUDs," particularly in under-resourced communities.
    • Lift up lived experiences: Listen to the perspectives of people with lived experiences of maternal mental health problems and respond to their needs.

    The Task Force's report explains how the lack of national infrastructure for maternal mental health care and other systemic barriers place unnecessary stress on pregnant and postpartum women. A shortage and "geographic maldistribution" of mental health and SUD providers compounds these problems.

    Those most vulnerable to mental health problems and SUDs include those from under-resourced racial and ethnic groups; incarcerated persons; parents of children in the neonatal intensive care unit; those who have experienced pregnancy loss, forcible displacement, trafficking, and gender-based violence; veterans; and those with pre-existing mental or behavioral health conditions.

    During interviews, women with lived experiences shared the changes that would have improved their situation during pregnancy, including opportunities to connect with experienced mothers, access to high-quality care, sleep strategies and support, information about available medications, and specialty training in perinatal mental health support for members of the workforce from under-resourced communities.

    A key recommendation of the report was the call to enact paid family leave, specifically to support the House Bipartisan Paid Family Leave Working Groupopens in a new tab or window, which launched in January 2023 and calls for at least 6 months of guaranteed leave in every state, U.S. territory, and the District of Columbia.

    In interviews, many mothers reported having to return to work after only a few weeks when their babies were still vulnerable and they were still healing, said Task Force member Maya Mechenbier, JD.

    "The mental health impact of having to leave your baby and return to work before you're ready cannot be overstated," she said.

    Link to task force website: https://www.womenshealth.gov/about-us/what-we-do/working-groups-and-committees/task-force-on-maternal-mental-health

  • 30 May 2024 9:38 AM | Anonymous

    Overdose deaths tragically rose during the COVID-19 pandemic, sparking renewed calls for awareness of substance use disorders and access to treatment.

    The once-in-a-century global health crisis had widespread impacts on physical and mental health and coincided with America's worsening fentanyl epidemic. And though calls have been made to expand access to treatment, people with substance use disorders often face barriers to getting the help they need to survive addiction to deadly substances like opioids.

    Stigmatization of these disorders, a lack of capacity at treatment centers where waitlists are common, and unaffordability of treatment present some of the most critical challenges to Americans' ability to get help, researchers have found.

    And the population using Medicaid is more likely than those on commercial insurance to live with a substance use disorder: 21% of Medicaid users had some form of SUD compared to 16% of commercially insured Americans, according to KFF, the nonpartisan health research firm formerly known as Kaiser Health News.

    In order to visualize how Medicaid acceptance rates can vary by state, Ophelia analyzed data collected by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration in its survey of substance use disorder treatment centers nationwide. The data used in this analysis covers both public and private institutions in every state, totaling nearly 15,000 locations. The analysis did not include institutions that are funded by discretionary public dollars, such as from county health authorities.

    American treatment centers do not universally accept Medicaid, and only 74% of them took it as payment in 2022, according to SAMHSA. Medicaid even covers methadone treatment for opioid use disorder, though the fraction of treatment centers offering opioid treatment programs also do not accept Medicaid universally. And when patients can't utilize insurance, their only option is to pay out of pocket.

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    Texas, California, and Florida have the fewest treatment centers accessible by Americans dependent on Medicaid

    Nationwide, the percentage of substance use disorder treatment centers that accepted Medicaid as payment hardly grew from 73% in 2021 to 74% in 2022, according to the latest data from SAMHSA.

    The most populous states in the nation were more likely than others to have the lowest rates of Medicaid acceptance. Some of these states in the South, like Florida and Texas, are also controlled by elected officials who have blocked the expansion of Medicaid coverage under the Affordable Care Act, effectively reducing the population that could use it to pay for health care for conditions like substance use disorder.

    But even in states where Medicaid is widely accepted, other issues block access to treatment for those with substance use disorders. In Montana, the state petitioned and received approval in 2022 to expand the number of beds centers could provide for Medicaid patients. To date, 36 other states have received waivers from Medicaid to expand benefits similarly, according to KFF.

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    Treatment centers in some states make strides in expanding access to treatment for those on Medicaid in 2022

    Missouri, Vermont, Colorado, and Mississippi all saw significant increases in the number of treatment centers accepting Medicaid in 2022 compared with the year before.

    Each state that cracked the top 10 for Medicaid acceptance growth—except for Texas—has petitioned for and been granted Medicaid waivers to increase capacity to care for those using public insurance, suggesting that removing limitations on providers may make Medicaid acceptance more attractive.

    But not every state saw Medicaid acceptance grow.

    Twenty states had declining acceptance rates at treatment centers from 2021-2022. In Hawaii, Arkansas, South Dakota, and Nevada, the share of treatment centers accepting Medicaid as payment decreased at least 5 percentage points from the previous year.

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  • 30 May 2024 9:35 AM | Anonymous

    The Medicaid Managed Care Rule published on May 10 has lots of moving parts. As my colleague Leo Cuello explains, the rule includes provisions to increase the transparency of state directed payments (SDPs). The rule also contains a number of other transparency requirements that are the focus of this blog, most of which are identical to those CMS proposed a year ago. If implemented, these new requirements have the potential for changing the culture of opacity that has long existed in Medicaid managed care and has long undermined its effectiveness. (Transparency requirements in the Medicaid Access rule relating to fee-for-service payment rates are summarized in this blog by my colleague Kelly Whitener).

    Transparency matters. In the 42 states (including DC) that contract with managed care organizations (MCOs), Medicaid purchases billions of dollars of services on behalf of tens of millions of enrollees. Oversight of these arrangements is, to say the least, challenging for state Medicaid agencies and CMS. Transparency about the performance of individual MCOs for children and other enrollees is essential to accountability of MCOs, state Medicaid agencies, and CMS alike.

    The rule builds upon transparency requirements in current regulations issued in 2016. These begin with the requirement that state Medicaid agencies contracting with MCOs operate a public website that provides content specified in the regulations. In some cases, the requirement could be met by linking to the public websites of individual MCOs. The requirement took effect in 2017. Table 1 below indicates the content that the state agencies were required to post on the website and the dates by which the agencies were required to post that information.

    Table 1: 2016 Medicaid Managed Care Rule Transparency Requirements

    A requirement that content be posted on a state agency website is one thing. Compliance with that requirement is quite another. As CMS notes in the preamble to the new rule:

    “A State’s website may be the single most important resource for information about its Medicaid program and there are multiple requirements for information to be posted on a State’s website throughout 42 CFR part 438.…Despite these requirements, we have received input from numerous and varied interested parties since the 2016 final rule about how challenging it can be to locate regulatorily required information on some States’ websites. There is variation in how ‘‘user-friendly’’ States’ websites are, with some States making navigation on their website fairly easy and providing information and links that are readily available and presenting required information on one page. However, we have not found this to be the case for most States.”

    As an interested party, we could not agree more.

    To address this bureaucratic malpractice, the rule requires that state agency websites (1) place “clear and easy-to-understand labels” on documents and links and (2) include all content on one webpage, either directly or by link to individual MCO websites. The rule further requires that states verify the accurate function of the website and the timeliness of the information presented, at least quarterly. States have until the first rating period for contracts beginning on or after 2 years after July 9, 2024 to comply. For most states, that means 2027.

    The rule reaffirms that all of the transparency requirements in Table 1 apply currently. Some of these requirements are already set forth in the section of the current regulations relating to transparency (42 CFR 438.602(g)(1)-(4)). To “help States verify their website’s compliance,” the rule adds the remaining current requirements to this checklist (438.602(g)(5)-(8), (12)-(13)), as well as references to the new information states are required to develop and post over the next five years (438.602(g)(9)-(11)). These additional requirements and their compliance dates are summarized in Table 2 below. The implementation runway is lengthy.

    Table 2: 2024 Medicaid Managed Care Rule Additional Transparency Requirements

    Going Forward

    The Managed Care Rule presents advocates with a golden opportunity to use transparency to increase the accountability of individual MCOs (and the state agencies that contract with them) for their performance. Advocates could start by conducting an inventory of their state agency’s website to determine whether all of the information identified in Table 1 is posted as currently required and initiating a conversation with their state agency about any missing items. For extra credit, advocates could urge their state agencies to go beyond the federal minimum and post MCO-specific EPSDT participation data, as Minnesota has done, as well as the Annual Medical Loss Ratio reports that MCOs submit, as several states have done.

    As noted, the rule requires that state websites be easily navigable, accurate, and up to date by 2027. Compliance with the current transparency requirements does not depend on whether a state complies with these new website requirements. Nor, for that matter, does the rule prohibit a state from making any necessary improvements to its website before 2027. But the fact is that, in many states, compliance will require a change of agency culture relating to transparency. One case in point: Illinois. And as the ongoing saga over the lack of transparency of Managed Care Program Annual Reports illustrates, that will not happen without sustained and effective state-level advocacy.

    Click here to view the tables: https://ccf.georgetown.edu/2024/05/17/a-closer-look-at-transparency-in-the-medicaid-managed-care-rule/

  • 30 May 2024 9:30 AM | Anonymous

    The nation’s largest Medicaid insurer is pledging to help build nearly $1 billion worth of affordable housing in eight states as it moves to address one of the biggest determinants of health.

    Speaking at Fortune’s Brainstorm Health conference Monday, Centene CEO Sarah London said that the Centene Foundation—the insurer’s philanthropic arm—struck a multiyear partnership with affordable housing developer McCormack Baron Salazar to provide below-market loans for housing units.

    The partnership will unlock $900 million in development funds and create thousands of housing units, said London. The issue of affordable housing is especially important to Centene’s members, London added.

    “It’s about doing a lot with a little, which is something that our members are uniquely amazing at and I think speaks to our mission of transforming not just health care, but transforming the health of the communities that we serve,” London said.

    It’s a reflection of the fact that, in America’s socially and economically stratified society, the health care system is only a small factor in what drives health care outcomes. These inequalities are evident in everything from the disparate impact of the coronavirus pandemic to the 15-year gap in life expectancy between the richest and the poorest Americans.

    “We know 80% of what drives health is nonmedical. Eighty percent,” Dr. Michelle Gourdine, senior vice president at CVS Health, said earlier in the conference. “We could have the best doctors in the universe and it would only fix 20% of the problem.”

    In recent years, the public health community has zeroed in on housing’s effects in particular, as costs have shot up and evidence has mounted about the destructive effects of housing instability. Last week, UnitedHealth Group announced that it had surpassed $1 billion in affordable housing over the last decade. In 2022, Kaiser Permanente also pledged $400 million to economic development and housing.

    For the one in four Americans who were enrolled in Medicaid, getting access to affordable housing is especially important, and there was a shortage of 7.3 million affordable homes in the U.S. in 2023, according to the National Low Income Housing Coalition.

    As London and other attendees said Monday, most of what drives health is nonmedical. London added that across demographic groups, some of the things that people recognize as important to health include housing, food, and access to childcare.

    “We, of course, make sure that there is access to health care, but we also think about what are those things that are other drivers to health outcomes,” London said.

  • 28 May 2024 10:16 AM | Anonymous

    In 2024, Affordable Care Act (ACA) Marketplace enrollment hit a new record high, reaching over 21 million people, almost double the 11 million people enrolled in 2020. This growth can be largely attributed to enhanced subsidies made available by the American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) in 2021 and renewed under the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act (IRA). These enhanced subsidies significantly reduced premium payments across the board for ACA Marketplace enrollees – including providing 100% premium subsidies for the lowest-income enrollees – and made some middle-income people who had previously been priced out of coverage newly eligible for financial assistance.

    Figure 1: 2024 ACA Open Enrollment Hits a New Record

    Total ACA Marketplace Plan Selections During Open Enrollment, 2014-2024

    Although the Inflation Reduction Act’s enhanced subsidies are available nationwide, some states have seen faster growth than others. In 15 states, ACA Marketplace enrollment has more than doubled since 2020 (Figure 2). One of these states is Texas, where ACA enrollment has more than tripled since 2020. Meanwhile, 3 states’ Marketplaces have seen enrollment fall since 2020.

    Figure 2: In 15 States, Affordable Care Act (ACA) Marketplace Enrollment More than Doubled from 2020 to 2024

    Change in Affordable Care Act (ACA) Marketplace Signups, 2020 - 2024

    The five states with the fastest growth in Marketplace enrollment since 2020 – Texas (212%), Mississippi (190%), Georgia (181%), Tennessee (177%), and South Carolina (167%) – have certain characteristics in common: They all started off with high uninsured rates before the enhanced subsidies rolled out, they have not expanded Medicaid under the ACA, and they all use the Healthcare.gov enrollment platform.

    It is difficult to disentangle the effect of each of these factors (uninsured rate, Medicaid expansion, and enrollment platform), as they are correlated and closely connected to one another. Nonetheless, the data suggest that a large number of uninsured people in these southern states with high uninsured rates wanted health insurance coverage, and the recently enhanced subsidies have made it possible for them to afford that coverage. However, these subsidies are temporary and will expire at the end of 2025 if not renewed by Congress.

    Uninsured Rate

    When considering the varying growth rates of Marketplace enrollment across states in recent years, it is important to keep in mind that states had different starting points before the enhanced subsidies in the ARPA and IRA were rolled out. The nonelderly uninsured rate in 2019 ranged from less than 5% in Massachusetts, the District of Columbia, and Hawaii to over 15% in Mississippi, Georgia, Florida, and Oklahoma, and over 20% in Texas. Generally speaking, states with higher uninsured rates in 2019 saw faster growth in ACA Marketplace enrollment from 2020 to 2024, while those with the lowest uninsured rates saw their market sizes generally grow less or even shrink a bit. On average, states that started out with nonelderly uninsured rates below 10 percent in 2019 saw an average of 31% growth in ACA Marketplace enrollment, while states with uninsured rates of 10 percent or more saw an average growth of 136% from 2020 to 2024.

    Figure 3: Since 2020, ACA Marketplaces Have Generally Grown Faster in States that Started off with Higher Uninsured Rates

    Weighted average percent change in ACA Marketplace Enrollment (2020-2024)

    Medicaid Expansion

    Another closely related factor that could explain why some states are seeing faster growth in their ACA markets is Medicaid expansion. On average, non-expansion states have seen their ACA Marketplaces grow by 152% since 2020, compared to 47% average growth in expansion states.

    Figure 4: Affordable Care Act Marketplaces have Grown Faster in Medicaid Non-Expansion States

    Weighted average percent change in ACA Marketplace Enrollment, 2020-2024

    The Inflation Reduction Act subsidies bring premiums for ACA Marketplace silver plans down to as low as $0 per month for people with incomes between 100% and 150% of poverty. Meanwhile, in states that have expanded Medicaid, people with incomes up to 138% of poverty are eligible for Medicaid and are therefore ineligible to purchase ACA Marketplace plans. There are therefore relatively fewer people in Medicaid expansion states who would qualify for one of these “free” silver plans on the ACA Marketplaces. This could explain, in part, why there has been faster Marketplace growth in several non-expansion states. (With North Carolina recently expanding Medicaid, there are now 10 states, primarily in the South, that have chosen not to expand the program).

    The unwinding of the pandemic-era Medicaid continuous enrollment policy, which led to millions of people losing Medicaid in 2023 after having their coverage maintained during the pandemic, likely contributed to the steeper increase in Marketplace enrollment during the 2024 open enrollment period. As states unwind the Medicaid continuous enrollment policy, these $0 premium, low-deductible ACA Marketplace plans may make the transition from Medicaid to Marketplace coverage easier, especially for people with incomes just above the poverty level in non-expansion states.

    Enrollment Platforms

    Growth in ACA Marketplace enrollment in recent years also correlates with enrollment platforms. The 23 states with the fastest growth in ACA Marketplace enrollment from 2020-2024 all use the Healthcare.gov enrollment platform. States using Healthcare.gov saw a weighted average growth of 126% in ACA Marketplace enrollment from 2020 to 2024, compared to 22% growth in states using state-run enrollment websites. All 10 states that have not expanded Medicaid use the Healthcare.gov platform.

    Figure 5: States with the Most Growth in ACA Signups use the HealthCare.gov Platform

    Change in Marketplace Plan Selections, 2020 and 2024

    Another difference is that only Healthcare.gov states have Enhanced Direct Enrollment, which allows health plans and insurance brokers to directly enroll and provide customer service to enrollees throughout the year without the consumer needing to visit the Marketplace website (Healthcare.gov). In recent years, brokers have played a growing role in assisting Marketplace consumers.

    However, states that use their own enrollment websites also had different starting points in 2020, ahead of the enhanced subsidies passing in 2021. Some state-based Marketplaces were already using state funds to offer additional health insurance subsidies beyond those offered by the federal government. Additionally, several states with their own Marketplaces had long embraced the ACA and have directed state resources toward outreach and marketing efforts for a decade. By contrast, states that rely on Healthcare.gov had significant cuts to outreach and marketing budgets during the Trump administration, with those investments renewed in 2021 under the Biden Administration.

    Table 1: Marketplace Plan Selections, 2020 and 2024

    View figures and tables here

  • 28 May 2024 10:11 AM | Anonymous

    AILSA CHANG, HOST:

    Southern Republican-led states looked at expanding Medicaid this year to help cover more people who can't afford health insurance. And even though those efforts made some headway, they struggled to overcome the politics. Drew Hawkins of the Gulf States Newsroom reports.

    DREW HAWKINS, BYLINE: Seven of the 10 states that have refused to adopt Medicaid expansion are in the South. Mississippi is one of them. This year, the state came so close, but in the end, expansion efforts fizzled and died in the legislature. So what's the deal? Why the hang-up? Well, one Mississippi doctor does not pull any punches with his answer.

    ROGER GIVENS: It's called the stupidity of politics, period.

    HAWKINS: Dr. Roger Givens is a radiation oncologist. He practices in rural Mississippi, in an area known as the Delta.

    GIVENS: I mean, that's about as rural as it gets.

    HAWKINS: He's also the board chair of the Mississippi State Medical Association, which wholeheartedly supports Medicaid expansion. Givens says it's long overdue, especially since most residents want it and other states in the South have already done it.

    GIVENS: Look at Arkansas, which has a very similar population to us, and look at what has worked for them and what needs to be tweaked. For me, that's just common sense.

    HAWKINS: Givens says people need health coverage. Because when they can't regularly see a doctor, bad things can happen.

    GIVENS: I can't tell you the number of patients who come in with advanced disease who have full-time jobs. Plain and simple. That's the coverage gap.

    HAWKINS: The coverage gap Givens is talking about only exists in states that haven't adopted Medicaid expansion. It's filled with thousands of people who make too much to qualify for Medicaid but too little to afford private insurance. But Mississippi lawmakers wanted this Medicaid coverage to come with a work requirement. Recipients would have to show they were working part time or in school.

    JASON WHITE: That's just a place that I think you're going to see a conservative state come from.

    HAWKINS: That's Mississippi Republican House Speaker Jason White. He supports expansion. And a work requirement makes it more palatable for Republicans because Medicaid expansion is part of the Affordable Care Act passed under President Obama.

    WHITE: You know, no denying it's known as Obamacare.

    HAWKINS: But work requirements weren't part of the original deal. And without a special waiver for that from the Biden administration, Mississippi can't get the money from the federal government. And that's why expansion failed. But White still thinks expanding Medicaid is the right thing to do because it would bring much-needed health care dollars to Mississippi. And that's been his message to his fellow Republicans.

    WHITE: Come for the savings, if you will, and then you can stay for the salvation and the good things that it does to improve people's lives.

    HAWKINS: Besides Mississippi, Alabama also tried to open the door to Medicaid expansion this year. The program would have focused narrowly on rural health, using casino gambling funds to pay for it, but it ultimately failed. And Republicans in Alabama remain wary of any new coverage that doesn't come with work requirements. Justin Bogie is with the Alabama Policy Institute, a conservative think tank.

    JUSTIN BOGIE: So we think if you expand Medicaid and you open up this federal subsidized program for hundreds of thousands of people, then it could actually hurt that labor participation rate, give them another reason not to go to work, to stay at home.

    HAWKINS: More and more holdout states in the South are adopting or warming up to expansion. North Carolina extended coverage to around 600,000 people this year. But there's still opposition. In Georgia, the governor wants to see if his own alternative program that allows people who work to join traditional Medicaid can succeed. It's about three times more expensive per person for the state and right now only has just over 2,300 participants, less than 1% of people Medicaid expansion would cover. For doctors like Givens, the debate around work requirements seems unnecessary. Sixty percent of the uninsured Mississippians already have a job.

    GIVENS: I'm confused on this whole argument about why does there need to be a work requirement if we're talking about employees who are working who need coverage?

    HAWKINS: Studies show the South has high rates of chronic disease and poor health, and it's especially difficult for patients in the rural South. And that's why some Mississippi Republicans in favor of expansion say they'll try again next year with the momentum they've already built. For NPR News, I'm Drew Hawkins. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR.

    NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by an NPR contractor. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.

    Listen here
  • 28 May 2024 10:08 AM | Anonymous

    Rural children and families are having to skip vital health treatments and even ending up in the emergency room, while already struggling rural clinics are losing more patients, as states cull their Medicaid rolls.

    The process began in April 2023, when pandemic-era rules that prohibited kicking people off Medicaid coverage expired and states again began checking whether families met income restrictions. Nationally, nearly 70% of people who lost coverage did so for “procedural” reasons such as incomplete paperwork.

    States with the largest drops in coverage also have large rural populations. The loss of coverage compounds struggles disproportionately experienced by rural children and families, experts say, including clinician shortages, long drives to care and poorer health outcomes.

    Eight states — Alaska, Arkansas, Colorado, Idaho, Montana, New Hampshire, South Dakota and Utah — had fewer children enrolled at the end of last year than before the COVID-19 pandemic, according to a recent analysis by the Georgetown University Center for Children and Families.

    “Medicaid is even more of a lifeline for rural communities than it is for urban ones,” said Joan Alker, the center’s executive director. “There are quite a number of states with large rural populations where things are not going well — so that’s very problematic.”

    A year into the process, frequently referred to as Medicaid “unwinding,” South Dakota, Montana, Utah, Texas and Idaho have seen the largest plunges in rates of children losing coverage, with an average of 25% fewer children enrolled in those states since April 2023.

    In rural areas, which on average have higher rates of poverty, children are less likely than their urban counterparts to have had a medical checkup or dentist visit in the past year, the center reported.

    In Idaho, where 35 of 44 counties are considered rural, “a lot of this is attributed to the state rushing through the process to conduct [income eligibility] redeterminations in six months,” said Hillarie Hagen, health policy associate at Idaho Voices for Children, a group that advocates on policies affecting children. “The rush and arbitrary deadline resulted in an alarming number of children losing coverage.”

    Hagen added that the change “is putting families in a very difficult position of having to choose to delay care or risk significant financial burden on their family.” Rural Idaho counties tend to be poorer than urban counties, and Hispanic and Native American state residents are more likely than white residents to be living in poverty.

    Dr. Noreen Womack, a pediatrician at a mobile clinic for kids in Boise and nearby rural communities in Idaho, run by St. Luke’s Children’s Hospital, said not a week goes by that she doesn’t see a patient who has lost Medicaid coverage — and who is sometimes unaware they’re now uninsured.

    When kids’ parents tell her they have Medicaid, she said, she’s learned to ask, “Are you sure?”

    She said she regularly sees children and teens who are no longer covered and who stopped taking critical treatments, such as antidepressants and ADHD medications, harming their well-being and school performance.

    Womack recalls one 7-year-old boy who was no longer enrolled in Medicaid and whose family couldn’t afford his ADHD medication. He was on the verge of being expelled from school.

    He looked at Womack, scared and dispirited. “‘I’m having trouble staying on task again, and they’re going to kick me out,’” she recalled him saying.

    “It’s so sad, because he’s only 7,” she said. “These families are already so much living on the edge, and it’s hard for them.”

    Other young patients who have gone undiagnosed for asthma have ended up in the ER, she said. “One of the things we’re trying to do is decrease the amount of unnecessary emergency department visits.”

    As in many states, patient navigators have been key to helping families work through the complex process of renewing Medicaid if they qualify, Womack said.

    Idaho’s Department of Health and Welfare acknowledged the rapid pace of its redetermination process, but expects the number of enrollees to return to normal.

    “Idaho was one of the very first states in the nation to start and finish unwinding activities while many other states are still in the process of completing all initial renewals,” spokesperson AJ McWhorter wrote in an email to Stateline. He added that the agency “early on identified and prioritized individuals who were likely no longer eligible for Medicaid. As other states continue to complete their unwinding activities, we expect these numbers to begin to normalize.”

    Utah has seen the nation’s highest overall disenrollment rate at 56%, followed by Idaho and Montana at 55%, and Oklahoma, South Dakota and Georgia, which have each seen coverage loss rates of 50% or higher.

    Utah’s state Medicaid office asserts that because states are at different stages in unwinding, disenrollment rates between states can’t be compared “apples to apples.” The state’s unemployment and poverty rates are lower than the national average, which means Utahns have fewer uninsured people and fewer Medicaid enrollees to begin with, said Kevin Burt, who oversees Utah’s Medicaid eligibility determinations at the state Department of Workforce Services.

    “Having just finished unwinding, I don’t think the data is quite settled,” Burt added.

    Jennifer Strohecker, Utah’s Medicaid director, said her office has been working with hospitals, clinics and nonprofits to help with redeterminations.

    “It is our objective that if a person is eligible for Medicaid, we want them to have that coverage,” she said, adding that the state aimed to make sure the health centers “had the right resources and tools to meet the needs of the patient as they saw them, and help them with some of the [eligibility] questions.”

    Families of color

    Across small towns and rural areas nationwide, Medicaid covers 47% of children and 18% of adults, compared with about 40% of children and 15% of adults in urban counties, the Georgetown center found in an analysis of U.S. Census Bureau and Medicaid data.

    Compared with urban residents, those in rural areas are more likely to have poorer overall health.

    Many states with the highest rates of Medicaid disenrollments also have large American Indian and Alaska Native communities. Federal tribal affairs and Medicaid officials say the program plays a critical role in filling gaps in funding for tribal health care.

    Chickasaw Nation member Dr. Jesicah Gilmore, a family medicine doctor and chief medical officer of the Indian Health Care Resource Center in Tulsa, Oklahoma, said the loss of Medicaid coverage has left many of her patients unable to obtain or pay for specialist care, such as cardiology or nephrology. While the center is in the city, it’s also a pillar for rural Native patients, who drive hours to the clinic for primary care and referrals.

    “Part of what we’re seeing is that then they’re having difficulty accessing referral services or some of the specialty tests,” she said. “It’s provided quite a strain on our system.”

    Many lost coverage because they no longer qualified or because they didn’t finish paperwork, leaving them to pay out of pocket — or forgo care if they can’t, she said.

    “We have staff members here who specifically help patients with paperwork and can help navigate some of the online systems — many of our patients don’t necessarily have continuous access to the internet,” she said. “It does get worse when patients are uninsured, because they have no other recourse for care, other than going to the ER.”

    She remembers one patient recently who lost Medicaid coverage two days before an orthopedic appointment for extreme knee pain. Gilmore estimates it could be another three months before her patient can get a knee replacement approved by a specialist and for the clinic to help her find and apply for another payor, such as the tribe, and up to six months until the actual surgery.

    “It was affecting her ability to continue working, walking, standing,” she said. “Who’s going to pay for this appointment? This patient has been waiting to get this, hopeful. … Now, she’s kind of in a holding pattern.”

    Loss of revenue for rural clinics, hospitals

    Gilmore worries the longer-term fallout for her clinic will be a hit to revenue due to caring for uninsured rural patients. The clinic was planning to expand services “but might not be able to,” she said.

    That concern is echoed in other rural health care settings.

    Straddling the Utah-Arizona border is the Creek Valley Health Clinic, serving a rural area that the Utah Department of Health says is one of the most underserved regions in the state. The area lacked a primary care clinic for over a decade, and many patients would drive an hour or more to the nearest hospital before the clinic opened in 2019.

    “We inherited such a sick patient population with really high rates of chronic disease and unhealthy habits,” said Hunter Adams, the clinic’s co-founder and CEO. Adams said the clinic had helped lower ER visits for primary care.

    Since the clinic opened, Adams said, the patient base has seen improved rates of depression screening, diabetes control and childhood obesity.

    But since the unwinding, the clinic saw an 8% drop in Medicaid patients. That, along with changes to pharmacy contract programs and expiring COVID-19 assistance grants, has put the nascent clinic in a bind, Adams said.

    “It’s kind of a three-legged impact to our budget,” he said. “We’re in this kind of hard space where we’re not big enough to really contract and negotiate payment change, but we’re also big enough that we feel these budgetary changes … with the Medicaid unwinding.”

    Alan Pruhs, executive director of the Association for Utah Community Health, which represents health centers across the state, estimated that those clinics have seen on average a 12% to 15% reduction in the Medicaid patient population, with some clinics losing up to 20% of Medicaid patients.

    “Fiscal fragility just was ratcheted up a few more notches, because we’re now losing more revenue,” Pruhs said.

    He’s hearing from clinics that serve particularly vulnerable clients, such as opioid patients, dropping out of rehabilitation programs because of losing Medicaid.

    Pruhs said an increase in uninsured patients can further add financial pressure on already strapped rural community health clinics.

    “From a health center perspective, your uninsured patient now comes in and it’s actually costing you money — it’s not generating revenue.”

  • 28 May 2024 10:02 AM | Anonymous

    It’s now been four corporate reporting quarters since the start of the PHE unwinding on April 1, 2023. During that time, net national Medicaid enrollment—the combination of disenrollments from redeterminations, re-enrollment by some of those terminated, and new enrollments—has fallen by 13.1 million, including 5.0 million children. Of the disenrollments, 70 percent have been for procedural reasons, not the result of an actual determination of ineligibility. Three fourths of all Medicaid enrollees are covered through managed care organizations (MCOs) in 42 states (including the District of Columbia). Five national companies together dominate half of this market: Centene, CVSHealth/Aetna, Elevance Health, Molina Healthcare, and UnitedHealth Group. The “Big Five” have now reported their Q1 2024 financial results. How has the PHE unwinding affected them?

    Figure 1 tells the enrollment tale for the Big Five as a group. When the PHE began in March 2020, their total Medicaid enrollment stood at 30.1 million. By the time the unwinding began, their total Medicaid enrollment had increased by 14.1 million, to 44.2 million. A year later, their total enrollment was 37.8 million, a drop of 6.4 million, or 14.4 percent. Despite this decline, total Medicaid enrollment for the “Big Five” in March 2024 is still 7.7 million higher than it was in March 2020.

    Figure 1: "Big Five" Medicaid Enrollment During and After the COVID-19 Public Health Emergency

    Table 1 tells the enrollment tale for each of the Big Five. Four of the companies reported Medicaid enrollment declines between the quarters ending March 31, 2023 and March 31, 2024. Centene, the company with the largest Medicaid enrollment, lost the largest number of enrollees, a little over 3 million, a drop of 18.5 percent. Aetna, now a business segment of CVSHealth, lost 375,000 Medicaid enrollees over that period, a decline of 13.4 percent. Elevance Health, formerly Anthem, had the largest Medicaid enrollment decrease in percentage terms: 21.5 percent, reflecting a decline of 2.6 million. UnitedHealth Group lost 700,000 Medicaid enrollees over the year, a decline of 8.3 percent.

    Only Molina Healthcare, the smallest of the Big Five, reported an increase in Medicaid enrollment, from 4.8 million in Q1 2023 to 5.1 million in Q1 2024 (6.0 percent). How did a receding tide not lower all five boats? Management’s explanation: disenrollments due to unwinding redeterminations (50,000 in Q1 2024, 550,000 to date) have been offset by enrollment increases due to the start of new contracts in Iowa and Nebraska as well as an “expanded California Medicaid platform including Los Angeles County.”

    Molina’s results underscore the point that enrollment data reported by each of the companies are net numbers, reflecting a combination of enrollment losses and gains. Enrollment losses could result not just from the unwinding, but also from the failure to keep Medicaid contracts in state procurements as well as current enrollees switching to a different MCO. Enrollment gains could come from the enrollment of newly eligible individuals, the award of new contracts in state procurements, the launch of new state Medicaid managed care programs (e.g., Oklahoma on April 1), and/or the acquisition of competitors.

    Table 1: "Big Five" Medicaid Enrollment, Q1 2024

    Table 2 tells the revenue tale, at least in part. (CVSHealth/Aetna and Elevance Health simply don’t report their Medicaid revenues; it’s unclear why investors would be uninterested in these payment streams). Between Q1 2023 and Q1 2024, Centene’s Medicaid revenues were down $767 million, or 3.5 percent; Molina’s were up $1.1 billion, or 18 percent; and UnitedHealth Group’s were up $1.7 billion, or 9.3 percent. Combined Medicaid revenues rose by $2.1 billion, or 4.5 percent.

    Table 2: "Big Five" Medicaid Revenue Results, Q1 2024

    This seems paradoxical. For all three companies, total Medicaid enrollment decreased by 3.4 million year-over-year, but total Medicaid revenues increased by $2.1 billion. At the individual company level, Centene’s Medicaid enrollment and revenues both decreased, while Molina’s both increased.

    On the other hand, UnitedHealth Group’s Medicaid enrollment went down by 8.3 percent while its Medicaid revenues went up by 9.3 percent year-over-year. Can it be that every Medicaid enrollee United lost increased its revenues by $2,490? What kind of managerial magic produces that result? It’s a puzzlement. UnitedHealth Group’s 10-Q doesn’t give an explanation, and the financial analysts did not ask about it during the company’s earnings call (which is understandable given the Change Health debacle).

    Only two of the Big Five disclosed medical loss ratios specific to their Medicaid lines of business for the quarter: Centene (90.9%) and Molina Health (89.7%). (The way in which these companies calculate MLR—costs of medical care as a percentage of premium revenue—differs somewhat from the way the federal regulations specify Medicaid MLRs should be determined).

    While the financial analysts, as well as company managements, would prefer that these MLRs be lower, they nonetheless help to explain why the Medicaid managed care market continues to be attractive to the Big Five, among others. As Molina’s 10-Q report explains: “the underlying medical margin, or the amount earned by the Medicaid, Medicare, and Marketplace segments after medical costs are deducted from premium revenue, represents the most important measure of earnings reviewed by management….” Molina’s Medicaid margin in the quarter was $775 million.

    And now for some forward-looking statements. Readers are advised that actual results may differ materially from these expectations.

    We at CCF estimate that, by the end of June, the majority of states will have completed redeterminations of eligibility for all individuals enrolled in Medicaid at the time the unwinding began last year. There’s some uncertainty around this estimate, given the different cadences at which states have conducted and reported their redeterminations. Based on our analysis of CMS enrollment and unwinding data, we do know that as of February or March, 29 states had processed over 75 percent of their pre-unwinding caseload; another 19 states had processed between 50 and 75 percent; and one state (Alaska) had processed less than half. Some states have completed their unwinding redeterminations (e.g., Arizona, West Virginia) and some have begun conducting regular redeterminations at the same time as they continue their unwinding redeterminations.

    The implications of the unwinding for each of the Big Five will continue to vary depending on the states in which they operate subsidiaries. Nonetheless, for the Big Five as a group, Medicaid enrollment is likely to continue to decline at least through Q2. Whether Medicaid revenues will continue to increase as Medicaid enrollment declines is anyone’s guess.

    View figures and tables here

  • 28 May 2024 9:57 AM | Anonymous

    Three weeks ago, Cierra Clowney, 24, of Spartanburg, didn’t know how to swaddle a baby. Two and a half weeks ago, she became a mom.

    Clowney is one of the 875 families Hello Family has helped provide free pre-natal and post-natal services, education, and pregnancy and childcare resources to specifically, since October 2021 as part of an initiative aimed to improve the outcomes of children and new mothers in Spartanburg.

    Hello Family is comprised of four Spartanburg-based non-profits: Family Connects, BirthMatters, Triple P and Quality Counts. In total, Hello Family has helped more than 1,800 families

    “I didn’t know hardly anything about raising a child and they can explain everything and help you with that whole process,” said Clowney. “They are there step-by-step. They will not leave you.”

    Clowney relied on a Doula from the non-profit BirthMatters, a person experienced in the process of childbearing who coaches and mentors those experiencing pregnancy.

    According to the results of a simulated study conducted by the Washington D.C.-based think-tank, Urban Institute, from Jan. 1 – Dec. 1 2022, Hello Family would have helped to decrease NICU admissions by 0.9% and low birth weights by 6.7%.

    “What we have is without Hello Family, low birth weights would be almost double, it’s telling us that NICU admissions would be a little higher and it’s telling us there would be more avoidable emergency room visits,” said Kaitlin Watts, director of Center for Early Childhood Success at Spartanburg Academic Movement.

    For Clowney, her nearly three-week-old baby boy, Kendrick Clowney, brings a smile to her face when she looks at him and also at times, stress.

    “I definitely would be very stressed out [without BirthMatters], I don’t know how I would really make it honestly,” said Clowney. She said she still suffers from Postpartum Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) as a result of giving birth and regularly goes to therapy.

    Clowney admitted for her to get the help she needed, she had to swallow her pride.

    “I reached out because you need help,” said Clowney. “You do need help. It takes a lot for me to put things aside, and accept help and that’s what I had to learn to do.”

    “We’re a community and a community helps one another,” said Watts. “We serve one another. So, these kids we’re talking about right now, one day, they’re going to be your neighbors. They might be the ones serving you in the stores. Our goal is to be the best we can be and have the strongest and healthiest community and that’s what this is doing.”

    Another new mom who has utilized the services of Hello Family is Yasmin Wilson, 27. Her two-month-old daughter, Ysabella, was born in March. Before then, she said she had no idea how to feed a newborn baby.

    “All the resources that [my Doula] gave me as far as being able to prepare myself and my body, and then having issues with [Ysabella] after she was born; having those resources has been so helpful,” said Wilson.

    Wilson and Clowney say they relied on their Doulas from BirthMatters to get them through their pregnancy. But there are more services that Hello Family offers like having a registered nurse from Family Connects, a branch of Spartanburg Regional Healthcare System, make home visits to check up on the mother’s and baby’s health.

    Anjonique Fernanders is one of those nurses who says she was initially surprised by the number of mothers who didn’t know much about raising a newborn child when she started working with Family Connects two years ago.

    “Some moms may not be aware, ‘Well what should my baby be gaining?’ and ‘What should my baby be eating?’, so we want to relay that information to them,” said Fernanders.

    Fernanders said one thing many new mothers should be looking for is high blood pressure. It’s something she checks when she makes home visits.

    “Parenting is challenging,” said Fernanders. “Giving them the resources can help better support them.”

    Watts said as of now Hello Family is only available to those in the City of Spartanburg’s limits but is in the process of expanding and will complete that process by 2030.

  • 28 May 2024 9:54 AM | Anonymous

    "I signed the Help Not Harm bill into law, which protects our state's children from irreversible gender transition procedures and bans public funds from being used for them," McMaster said in a post on the social platform X Tuesday. "I look forward to joining legislators and supporters at a ceremonial bill signing in the Upstate next week." The bill, House Bill 4264, states that a "physician, mental health provider, or other health care professional shall not knowingly provide gender transition procedures to a person under eighteen years of age" and that those who do so "shall, upon an adverse ruling by the appropriate licensing board, be considered unprofessional conduct and shall be subject to discipline by the licensing entity with jurisdiction over the physician, mental health provider, or other medical health care professional."

    "Across the state, from the Lowcountry to the Upstate, South Carolinians are mourning the passage of H.4624, which will make it immeasurably harder for transgender youth and many adults to access the life-saving healthcare that they need and deserve," Chase Glenn, a leader in the LGBTQ advocacy group SC United for Justice & Equality, said in a statement in a Tuesday press release. "But let me be clear: This loss does not crumble a movement," Glenn continued. "Our movement supporting transgender people in South Carolina is louder and stronger than it's ever been. We've marched at the State House, we've told our stories, and we've made sure our lawmakers heard from us. Now, we will do everything in our power to support our community through this crisis." Jace Woodrum, the executive director of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) of South Carolina, said in a press release Tuesday that the group stands "in grief and solidarity with LGBTQ South Carolinians, who are increasingly under attack by our own government."

    "We can put to rest the notion that the governor cares about limited government and personal freedom," Woodrum's statement continues. "With the stroke of a pen, he has chosen to insert the will of politicians into healthcare decisions, trample on the liberties of trans South Carolinians, and deny the rights of the parents of trans minors."

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